Originally published in Greek by Kathimerini, 27 March 2022.
Until not long ago, Europe seemed to be an ensemble of democratic nations that, for the most part, had embraced liberal democracy. These nations displayed a determination to spread the spirit of Western liberal democracy to neighboring regions, including the Arab world, Islamist Turkey, and nationalist Russia. Recent and dramatic developments, however, have altered all that. The democratic experiment in the Arab world largely failed, Turkey regressed to an increasingly authoritarian form of government, and Russia proved to be a brutal dictatorship. At the same time, Britain’s withdrawal weakened the European Union, while the Trump era clearly showed that America cannot be relied upon as a permanent European ally or be seen as a model for clear-cut liberal democracy. The West became disengaged.
Today, the center stage of European politics is occupied by two crises of colossal proportions. The first is the crisis of democracy, being fought out in the battlefields of Ukraine. If Russia is victorious, the democratic camp will suffer a major casualty. The second crisis concerns the ongoing struggle between liberalism and populism. Future elections in various European countries, starting with Hungary and France, will be deciding factors in distinguishing a victor. Another important factor will be the cohesion of the liberal camp and its ability to limit ‘defections’ towards illiberal populism or political authoritarianism.
Be that as it may, the war in Ukraine, by putting Europe’s political protagonists in full action, presents a sad but unique opportunity to reflect on the nature and magnitude of the two major crises plaguing Europe. Let us look at the main players.
In the debate between democracy and authoritarianism Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky are the protagonists.
Putin, a former state intelligence official, has been running his country since 2000 as an elected dictator and head of a kleptocratic system operating beyond any rule of democracy, constitutional order, international law, or human morality. Wishing to restore the former glory of the Russian empire, he has sent an invading force to dismember and destroy a democratic country, while also threatening the world to avoid meddling lest he resorts to nuclear escalation. Large parts of Europe – including Poland, Georgia, Moldova, Finland, and the Baltic states – are watching the unfolding war in Ukraine in horror, while the rest of the world watches in agony.
Zelensky, a former comedian, has risen to the task of leading his country’s resistance against a foe with a larger army and superior firepower. The Ukrainian leader symbolizes his people’s refusal to accept surrender and is leading his army in a defensive war for national survival, all this in the name of democracy, humanity, and decency. Like Putin, Zelensky is sheltered in a bunker, surrounded by his closest colleagues, but unlike Putin, who fears for his life, Zelensky has defied the fear of death and remained in Kyiv, inspiring his people, and negotiating with heads of state and international organizations through video conferences. Large parts of the world have been learning about this unexpected hero of democratic values and unwavering patriotism for the first time.
Another pair of leaders, French President Emmanuel Macron and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, represent the two faces of democracy – one liberal, the other populist and illiberal.
Even before the war in Ukraine started, Macron, a reformist liberal with a firm belief in the European idea, engaged in a frenetic diplomatic effort to stop Putin. He may have failed to prevent the war, but his effort earned high praise from his countrymen. And whereas two years ago he proclaimed NATO brain-dead, today he sees the war as an opportunity to establish a new European security order. In the upcoming presidential election, due to be held in a few days’ time, Macron appears to be the heavy favorite. If victorious, we can expect him to play an even larger role in the revival of liberal democratic politics in Europe.
On the opposite side of Macron, we find Orbán. A symbol for populists the world over, he has long enjoyed a special relationship with Putin, with whom he has officially met 12 times. In view of the upcoming national elections (to be held on 3 April) and under pressure from the international community, Orbán condemned the Russian invasion but has not allowed arms to be funneled to Ukraine through Hungarian territory. At the same time, the Hungarian media, the majority of which are funded and controlled by the state, parrot the Kremlin’s propaganda by painting a derogatory picture of Ukraine’s elected government.
Political liberalism is not only threatened by populists though. It is equally threatened by liberal leaders who do not hesitate to betray their ideas, particularly in the pursuit of wealth. See, for instance, the case of the former leader of the German Social Democratic Party and Chancellor Gerhard Schröeder. Immediately after leaving the chancellorship in 2005, he took up lucrative positions in Russian energy companies and became a leading lobbyist of Russian interests. He thus became a paid agent of Putin, whom he once described without hesitation as a ‘flawless democrat.’ Even after the invasion in Ukraine, he refused to resign his position and sever his ties with the official Russian state and its governing oligarchy. No doubt, the attitude of politicians like Schröeder was one of the reasons why Putin, prior to initiating the war in Ukraine, believed the West would serve him forever.
