Papandreou – Takis S Pappas

November 28, 2021November 28, 2021

Ρέκβιεμ για το ΠΑΣΟΚ

Δημοσιεύτηκε στην Καθημερινή της Κυριακής, 28 Νοεμβρίου 2021

Σκίτσο του Δημήτρη Χαντζόπουλου από το ίδιο φύλλο της Καθημερινής

Από την τελευταία φορά που το ΠΑΣΟΚ κέρδισε εκλογές, το 2009, έχουν περάσει πάνω από δώδεκα χρόνια. Έκτοτε, το κόμμα δοκίμασε πέντε συνεχόμενες ήττες σε εθνικές εκλογές, συνήθως με χαμηλό μονοψήφιο ποσοστό, δύο ήττες σε εκλογές για το ευρωπαϊκό κοινοβούλιο, επίσης με μονοψήφιο ποσοστό, δύο αρχηγούς (πάει για τρίτο), καθώς και τρεις ονομασίες (Ελιά, Δημοκρατική Συμπαράταξη, ΚΙΝΑΛ). Καθώς το ανεμόδαρτο κόμμα βαδίζει προς τις διαδικασίες της επόμενης Κυριακής που θα αναδείξουν τον νέο αρχηγό του, υπάρχουν δύο μεγάλα ερωτήματα που ουδέποτε έχουν τεθεί ανοιχτά: Γιατί κατέρρευσε το ΠΑΣΟΚ κι από τότε παρακμάζει χωρίς σοβαρή ελπίδα ανάκαμψης; Και, μετά από δώδεκα χρόνια σε ρόλους πολιτικού κομπάρσου, πόσο σημαντικό ρόλο θα μπορούσε να παίξει αυτό το κόμμα στο σημερινό πολιτικό σύστημα;

January 18, 2021March 23, 2021

How to distinguish charismatic from ordinary leaders: An infographic

If you are interested in the topic of leadership, have at the moment nothing better to do, or both of the above, why don’t you try to see whether the characteristics of charismatic leadership as explained this infographic fit the cases of political leaders that you have a good knowledge of? When you play this game, remember that there’s only one basic rule to it: To qualify as “charismatic,” the leader(s) you choose must meet all ten of the characteristics mentioned. They disqualify, and thus revert to the category of “ordinary” leader(s), if they miss even one of those characteristics. Playing it should be fun! (And, by the way, if you are a true fan of infographics, you may also enjoy this one.)

May 23, 2020April 13, 2022

Populism vs. nativism

Populism and nativism are often confused. But they are distinct phenomena. They develop in different places, have different causes, use different rhetoric and symbolic discourse, present different leaderships, and have different kinds of influence on the democratic societies in which they develop. Therefore, they call for different political and policy responses from politicians, policy-makers, and other relevant stakeholders in society. This infographic points out those differences. If you want to know more, please check my previous work on this topic here, here, and here. More is to come.

May 13, 2020September 7, 2020

Populism vs. nativism: 10 indicators to tell the two apart

These two terms (or, better, concepts) are often confused. They are often lumped together under the generic, and generally abused, “populism” label. But nativism and populism are quite distinct phenomena. They have different causes, different ways of developing in contemporary Europe, and different kinds of influence on the democratic societies in which they grow. Clearly, then, they call for different political and policy responses from politicians, policy-makers, and other relevant stakeholders in society. This post is a simple endeavor to point out those differences. If you want to read more about them, please check my previous work on this topic here, here, and here. I am currently continuing my work on nativism within the H2020 PaCE research program. And, in a not so remote future as I hope, there will be more to say and write in book form about Europe’s strongly nativist nations.

Continue reading “Populism vs. nativism: 10 indicators to tell the two apart”

January 18, 2020January 25, 2020

The family album of the most important postwar populist rulers in Europe and the Americas

Who are the significant illiberal leaders who have ruled, and in several cases still rule, in the lands of populism? Here’s the complete postwar populist family album in Europe and the Americas. With the exception of the recent cases of Poland, Mexico and (arguably) Bolsonaro’s Brazil, all other populist leader cases are examined in depth and compared to each other in my book on Populism and Liberal Democracy. Enjoy the show!

ARGENTINA

Néstor and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner

Continue reading “The family album of the most important postwar populist rulers in Europe and the Americas”

November 28, 2019December 3, 2019

The causes of populism

A detailed analysis of how the model of populist causality works is in my Populism and Liberal Democracy: A Comparative and Theoretical Analysis (Oxford University Press 2019), pp. 123-130

A TIP-OFF: The present model does not apply to nativist parties, which are often, unfortunately, and erroneously (mis)classified as “populist.” It only applies to populist parties that have emerged strong, and ruled, in the “lands of populism.”

The image featured above represents the causal model of populism qua democratic illiberalism. It is the outcome of an intricate interplay of structural conditions, quasi-rational extraordinary leaders, and political mechanisms. No factor is independent from the rest, and each factor must be examined in sequential causal logic.

November 8, 2019November 16, 2019

POPULISTS IN POWER

Published in Journal of Democracy 30:2 (April 2019), 70-84 https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/populists-in-power/

The “populist rule diamond”

November 7, 2019November 15, 2019

WHY GREECE FAILED

Published in Journal of Democracy 24(2), April 2013 https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/why-greece-failed/

On 1 January 1981, Greece became the tenth member of what is now the European Union, well ahead of Spain and Portugal. This was a just reward for a country broadly seen at the time as an unqualified success story. Within just a few years after the 1974 breakdown of a fairly brief dictatorship (the so-called colonels’ regime that began in 1967), Greece had been able to establish—and by all appearances consolidate—a liberal and pluralist system with fully inclusive institutions. The early post-authoritarian governments implemented brave policy reforms while striving for political moderation; they also kept the books in order by combining modest borrowing with fast economic growth. At the same time, society seemed to be vibrant and optimistic, with the country’s imminent EU entry promising new prospects and opportunities. For nearly three decades thereafter, and especially after its 2001 transition into the Eurozone, Greece appeared to be a perfectly democratic and increasingly prosperous European nation.[1] Hardly anyone seriously doubted the country’s continuing success. Continue reading “WHY GREECE FAILED”