What makes populists and nativists distinct?

Originally published in Democratic Audit, LSE/UK, March 2018

The recent surge of various challenges to democracy in Europe has presented scholars, policy makers, journalists and other pundits with an empirical muddle. As we now try to make sense of Europe’s fast-changing political landscape, we are faced with the following predicament: still lacking well-defined concepts and, therefore, unable to classify our empirical cases into mutually exclusive, jointly exhaustive, and empirically useful categories, the tendency is to lump together disparate challengers to contemporary democracy under the ill-defined ‘populism’ label. Yet, at the end, the result is data misgathering and the comparison of nonequivalent units under the erroneous assumption that they are equivalent. This amounts to wasteful research. It also eludes sensible responses to the various challengers.

Continue reading “What makes populists and nativists distinct?”

Ten characteristics of charismatic leadership

Max Weber

Originally published in RSA Journal under the title “Charm offensive: What is the allure of the charismatic leader?” August 2019

‘Charisma’ has alluring intimations, but a vague and continuously drifting significance. In its etymology, the word comes from the ancient Greek noun charis (χάρις), meaning grace or beauty. The earliest modern usage of the term is associated with Christian theology, in which charism was thought of as a special spiritual gift or power that was divinely conferred from God on a select few individuals. In Middle English, a person with karisme was someone gifted with special talents such as healing, prophecy or tongues.

The term entered the lexicon of applied politics only in the early 20th century, in the work of German sociologist Max Weber. He used it to distinguish between ‘charismatic’ and the other two types of legitimate power: ‘traditional’, where people obey because of seniority, long-established law, or custom; and ‘rational-legal’ or ‘bureaucratic’ authority (best typified by the impersonal modern state administration).

Continue reading “Ten characteristics of charismatic leadership”

Populism; populist

Populism (noun). A novel type of political leadership/political party/political system that developed in the aftermath of World War II and combines electoral democratic politics with opposition to modern liberal institutions. Minimally defined: Democratic illiberalism.

Populist (adjective). The term applies to modern political leaders, political parties, and political systems that abide by electoral democracy but disrespect liberal institutions and challenge established constitutional legality allegedly for the benefit of the ordinary people.

While you are here, learn how to distinguish populism from nativism.

The Specter Haunting Europe: Distinguishing Liberal Democracy’s Challengers

Published in Journal of Democracy 27(4), October 2016 https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Pappas-27-4.pdf

The recent surge of various challenges to democracy in Europe has presented scholars and policy makers with an empirical muddle. European democracy seems to be in jeopardy, and there is no shortage of culprits. In parts of the continent, far-left parties are wielding new influence; in other places, the far right has risen. Nativists thrive on growing xenophobia, and even racist and neo-Nazi forces are lurking.

Amid the worry, it is crucial to be clear about two things. First, not all of democracy’s challengers are the same, despite a promiscuous tendency to label them all as “populists.” Second, their rise is not traceable to a single cause, and hence should not be expected to prompt a single response. Parties and movements that do not belong to the same species should not to be treated as if they do—it will only make the search for causes and solutions harder.[1] We are dealing with a range of political phenomena that have their own distinct sets of causes, normative assumptions, and practical consequences. Continue reading “The Specter Haunting Europe: Distinguishing Liberal Democracy’s Challengers”

WHY GREECE FAILED

Published in Journal of Democracy 24(2), April 2013 https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/why-greece-failed/

On 1 January 1981, Greece became the tenth member of what is now the European Union, well ahead of Spain and Portugal. This was a just reward for a country broadly seen at the time as an unqualified success story. Within just a few years after the 1974 breakdown of a fairly brief dictatorship (the so-called colonels’ regime that began in 1967), Greece had been able to establish—and by all appearances consolidate—a liberal and pluralist system with fully inclusive institutions. The early post-authoritarian governments implemented brave policy reforms while striving for political moderation; they also kept the books in order by combining modest borrowing with fast economic growth. At the same time, society seemed to be vibrant and optimistic, with the country’s imminent EU entry promising new prospects and opportunities. For nearly three decades thereafter, and especially after its 2001 transition into the Eurozone, Greece appeared to be a perfectly democratic and increasingly prosperous European nation.[1] Hardly anyone seriously doubted the country’s continuing success. Continue reading “WHY GREECE FAILED”

Με ποιές χώρες μοιάζει η Ελλάδα;

Δημοσιεύτηκε στην Καθημερινή της Κυριακής, 3 Νοεμβρίου 2019

Τα έθνη είναι σαν τους ενήλικους ανθρώπους. Ο λόγος δε που μερικοί ενήλικοι μοιάζουν περισσότερο μεταξύ τους δεν είναι επειδή ζουν στην ίδια γειτονιά ή εργάζονται στο ίδιο επαγγελματικό περιβάλλον. Είναι διότι οι συνθήκες μέσα στις οποίες γεννήθηκαν και μεγάλωσαν υπήρξαν σχετικά κοινές με αποτέλεσμα να διαμορφώσουν παρόμοιους ατομικούς χαρακτήρες. Continue reading “Με ποιές χώρες μοιάζει η Ελλάδα;”

Προς τα πού οδεύει το κομματικό σύστημα;

Δημοσιεύτηκε στην Καθημερινή της Κυριακής, 13 Οκτωβρίου 2019

Eτυμολογικά, στη δική μας όπως και στις περισσότερες ευρωπαϊκές γλώσσες, η λέξη «κόμμα» υποδηλώνει ένα κομμάτι, το μέρος ενός όλου. Συνεπώς, κάθε πολιτικό κόμμα αντιπροσωπεύει και ένα διαφορετικό κοινωνικό υποσύνολο με τα δικά του χαρακτηριστικά, ιδέες, πεποιθήσεις, ανάγκες, συμφέροντα και επιδιώξεις. Αν βάλουμε όλα τα κόμματα μαζί, έχουμε ένα «κομματικό σύστημα». Κάθε χώρα έχει το δικό της κομματικό σύστημα, που εξελίσσεται με τον καιρό και, συχνά, αλλάζει μορφή και είδος. Αυτό συμβαίνει όταν μεταβάλλονται οι δύο βασικοί παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τα κομματικά συστήματα: ο αριθμός των κομμάτων που τα αποτελούν καθώς και κατά πόσον ο εκλογικός ανταγωνισμός τα κάνει να συγκλίνουν προς το κέντρο ή να αποκλίνουν προς τα άκρα.

Continue reading “Προς τα πού οδεύει το κομματικό σύστημα;”

The nation that failed big, and survived

Originally published in eKathimerini, 30 July 2019

Nations fail for a variety of reasons. These include geographical hindrances, harmful cultural inclinations, downward economic spirals, exclusionary institutions, or, indeed, the lack of institutions. Some especially unlucky nations fail for all those reasons at once. Take Greece over the past decade. Continue reading “The nation that failed big, and survived”

Υπάρχει ΠΑΣΟΚ;

Δημοσιεύτηκε στην Καθημερική της Κυριακής, 9 Σεπτεμβρίου 2019 

Στα 45 χρόνια του πολιτικού βίου του, το ΠΑΣΟΚ έχει περάσει από τρεις διακριτές φάσεις εξέλιξης. Η πρώτη φάση (1974-1993) ήταν του γνήσιου λαϊκισμού, κάτω από τη χαρισματική και πανίσχυρη ηγεσία του Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου. Η δεύτερη φάση, που περιλαμβάνει την τελευταία διακυβέρνηση του Ανδρέα, καθώς και τις δύο συνεχόμενες κυβερνήσεις Σημίτη (1993-2004), χαρακτηρίστηκε από την –τελικά αποτυχημένη– προσπάθεια μετατροπής του ΠΑΣΟΚ σε ένα, έστω κατ’ επίφασιν, σοσιαλδημοκρατικό κόμμα. Η τρίτη, η οποία ξεκίνησε το 2004 και βρίσκεται ακόμη σε εξέλιξη, συνίσταται στην ατελέσφορη προσπάθεια συνύπαρξης σε ενιαίο κόμμα εξουσίας όλων των διαφορετικών τάσεων που αναπτύχθηκαν στο εσωτερικό του ΠΑΣΟΚ κατά τη διάρκεια του πρότερου βίου του.

Continue reading “Υπάρχει ΠΑΣΟΚ;”

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